suharto

Under Suharto it had dwifungsi, the "dual function" of helping to run the country as well as defending it.

Indonesia has been a wobbly place to do business since the fall of President Suharto in 1998, but things are getting especially rocky now.

After the fall of Suharto in Indonesia, I began to explore conditions of poverty in a country that was on its way towards modernization.

It used to be the army that was the main threat to democracy. In Suharto's day it dominated politics.

When Ms. Comstock and Ms. Suharto teamed up to make ice-cream sandwiches this summer, office workers at a nearby English school lined up.

Under Suharto it had dwifungsi, the "dual function" of running the country as well as defending it.

Jenna Suharto moved to China from New York with her husband two years ago, and saw an untapped, cupcake-free market.

During the Suharto era, Bahasa Indonesia was the only language that we could see or read.

Amid street protests and a plunging economy, Mr Suharto was forced to resign the next year.

Suharto rose to power after leading the military in 1965 to put down what was officially called an attempted communist coup.

The Indonesian government has filed a civil law suit to recover money said to have been embezzled by the country's former President Suharto.

A former Kopassus chief and a one-time Suharto son-in-law, Prabowo seems confident that he is again a force to be reckoned with.

Thailand's democracy constitution of 1997 preceded by a year the downfall of Suharto.

Golkar, Suharto's own party, had been haranguing Ms Mulyani for months, accusing her of malfeasance in bailing out a private bank in 2008.

THE Suharto regime used to argue that if East Timor became independent, it would set off an archipelagic chain reaction.

It will be the second democratic presidential election since President Suharto stepped down in 1998.

One of the "safest" political systems of recent times was President Suharto's regime in Indonesia.

In the Suharto years land was often grabbed; now Indonesia has to make its grand plans within the constraints of a democracy.

The separation of the police and the army is a post-Suharto reform that remains crucial to the country's long-term democratization.

Demonstrators shouted "Hang Suharto" as they pushed against a line of riot police blocking access to Suharto's residence.

In Indonesia, the nepotism within the Suharto family caused the economic breakdown of the Asian country.

But under Suharto Indonesia led by stealth, through the power of veto, rather than as ASEAN's public face.

Like most strongmen, Suharto refused to deal with the problem of succession until it was forced upon him.

Eventually they were pulled back into line with the regime, which gave Suharto valuable breathing room.

The fall of Suharto brought democracy and a promising economy to Indonesia.

Next to attending workshops as a tutor he has shot several short documentaries before, during and after Suharto stepped down as a president.

Suharto invited major foreign investment into the country, which produced substantial economic growth.

Suharto was forced to step down amid massive popular demonstrations and a faltering economy in 1998.

But by its decision to file the civil suit, Jakarta has revived efforts to track down the Suharto family fortunes.

THE Suharto clan infected Indonesian business like a pandemic virus.

News media are telling us the Indonesian Pribumis (Malay) people are rising up against the Suharto dictatorship.

By his death Mr Suharto has cheated justice.

Indonesian dictator Suharto ruled for 31 years until mass protests led to his political demise in 1998.

Two other parties are simply bandwagons for the presidential ambitions of Suharto-era generals.

Golkar, the biggest party in the present DPR, had its origins as a vehicle for the re-election of Suharto.

I'm certain that I liked the Suharto era better. It was really good living then.

Fall, however, Suharto did, in 1998, disqualifying Indonesia's recent history as a serviceable model for Than Shwe.

The better to winkle out the communists, Suharto set up two intelligence agencies.

Even more than Mr Yudhoyono, they appear as relics of the authoritarian Suharto era.

Those who looted the country under Suharto, and the soldiers who connived at terrible abuses, have enjoyed almost total impunity.

Within days of Suharto's fall, they made plans to come home and try to seize control.

That would have seemed almost unimaginable 12 years ago, when the economy collapsed and Indonesia's longstanding dictator, Suharto, fell.

Decentralization began with high hopes in 1999 to reverse the extreme centralization of the Suharto years.

After Suharto fell, Mr Santoso and his colleagues saw an opportunity.

The economy has slowed since the Suharto era.

Following the Indonesian 1998 Revolution and the resignation of President Suharto, several political reforms were set in motion.

Suharto came to power in 1966, establishing a quasi-military dictatorship and encouraging Indonesians to "enrich themselves" .

The ban shows that the Suharto regime, which collapsed in 1998 amid popular protests, still casts a dark shadow abroad.

There has still been no justice for the many victims of the Suharto era.

WHEN Suharto, Indonesia's long-serving dictator, fell in 1998 the very integrity of the country seemed in doubt.

By training and instinct, Mr Suharto was a soldier.

Its former dictator, Suharto, set new standards for kleptocracy.

Second, when Indonesia became a democracy after Suharto's fall, it also decentralised, creating several layers of bureaucracy.

Second, Suharto's claim to paternity over development was not all hot air.

'Too sweet' is what Ms. Suharto, Ms. Heaton-Renshaw and Ms. Comstock regularly hear.

Indonesia also experienced large-scale corruption and fraud within the ruling Suharto family from 1965 to 1998.

There are two ways, however, in which the Burmese dictatorship differs crucially from Suharto's.

Another is the continued dominance of Suharto-era figures.

Of all the media, news radio may have suffered most under Suharto.

But in the decade since Suharto was forced from power, the Chinese Indonesians have experienced greater cultural freedom.

The East Timorese suffered brutal repression in the 1970s at the hands of Suharto's military.

Mr Kalla's running-mate is Wiranto, yet another Suharto-era general.

Chinese-Indonesians were forced to give up their family names during President Suharto's New Order, from 1965 to 1998.

That is a standard pattern: Ferdinand Marcos, Jean-Claude Duvalier, Chun Doo Hwan, Suharto and many other useful gangsters.

The Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, for example, grew out of the underground campus resistance to Suharto.

'The European men could not believe there were two women selling food on the street at 2 a. m. We felt awesome, ' Ms. Suharto said.

Mr Suharto's former backers in the West regretted praising him so effusively.

Under the 32-year dictatorship of Suharto, which ended in 1998, forest concessions became weapons in the armoury of crony capitalism.

But few outside the charmed Suharto circle mourn its collapse.

We are told that the Indonesia poor Malay suffered a lot under Suharto's corrupted regime, and they wanted change.

This is similar to the "dual-function" system of Indonesia under President Suharto until he was ousted in 1998.

Who is Suharto? Is Suharto an Indonesian Pribumi between the Chinese and the Malay in Indonesia?

Jakarta in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Decentralisation, Neo-liberalism and Global City Aspiration Tim Bunnell; Michelle Ann Miller

Indonesian Armed Forces: Professionalization Reform in Post-Suharto Era

Political Party System of Indonesia in Post- Suharto Era: Changes and Influences

New mass-organizations of ethnic Chinese in Indonesia in Post Suharto's Era

Indonesian Policies Toward Ethnic Chinese in Post-Suharto's Era

The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia

Change in the Relations between Suharto and the Army